Bangladeshi garments were progressively seeable in the market of developed states ( Paul-Majumder, 2008 ) . For illustration, in the twelvemonth 1983-84 the figure of garments mill was 134 and 0.04 million garment workers were employed. After 25 old ages, in 2007-08 the figure of mill was 4740 and entire 2.5 million workers are involved in this sector ( BGMEA, 2009 ) . The part of garment workers to the growing of export-oriented industries in Bangladesh in the last decennary had created chances for mill occupations for adult females ( Amin S et al.1998 ) . In malice of the great part made to the national economic system the female garment workers in Bangladesh were beset with tremendous complains. Such as, low payment, mandatory over-time, uncertainness of occupation, threaten of poke, payment withheld ( Nazli, 1995 ) .
This research examines on female garment workers get bying schemes in urban country to research their urban supports. Supports in urban countries are meant to general or specific hazards that potentially result in dazes and impacts. Households devise method to cut down hazards ( “ Ëœex-ante hazard extenuation ‘ ) and mitigate dazes ( ex-post header schemes ) ( see Devereux, 2001 ) .
One of the greatest dazes that tend to convey terrible impacts on the female garment workers supports is get bying schemes in urban slum. This is true peculiarly in Rampura and Badda slums in Dhaka, Bangladesh. In these two slums basic infrastructural and societal services are mostly unequal, such as, scarceness of populating topographic point ; deficiency of proper sanitation, sewage and H2O supply system. In such topographic point big Numberss of immature female garment workers are coming to populate each twelvemonth. ( Reference required ) This creates tremendous force per unit area to the bing installations and do state of affairs more vulnerable ( NAILA KABEER1 AND SIMEEN MAHMUD, 2004 ) .
Showing empirical research consequences, to do original contribute to the cognition as to get bying schemes of slum populating female garment workers.
Very few figure surveies were carried out on garment workers conditions, concerns and demands. Some surveies focused on the socio-economic and wellness status of the garment workers but none have shown merely female garment workers get bying schemes in urban slum in Dhaka. Therefore, the handiness of the grounds sing this issue is critically light. It can be said that the get bying schemes of female garment workers in slum countries is of import but overlooked.
Therefore, there is pressing demand to concentrate researches and policy shapers in this respects as female employment is garments industries has enhanced the public assistance and societal mobility of adult females in the low-income group.
The primary purposes of the survey are to place the assets that are use to relieve the female garment workers jobs ( Which sort of jobs? ? ? ) and heighten the supports through effectual header schemes. It besides aims to pull attending to the functions of assets in get bying schemes and to get bying capacity in the treatment of resiliency in the event of dazes. This survey eventually aims to show policy recommendations for public assistance of slum brooding female garment workers. It can be hoped that policy contrivers will see the findings of the survey when they design garments policy and programme. To carry through the purposes and objectives the research focused on following issues:
1. To understand why do female enter into occupations in garments sector?
2. To uncover how they manage their assets or capital to get by in both occupation and living topographic point.
The survey focused on those assets which utilise female garment workers to get by up in the urban slum countries. Moser ‘s ( 1998 ) fivefold plus exposure model is used as a tool to sort family assets, among family support attacks in this survey. The model place the assets which can be shock absorber to support against worsening economic state of affairs and besides shows how the mobilization and direction of those assets can be help to cut down family exposure in inauspicious state of affairs. The model is based on the premise that “ the hapless are strategic directors of complex plus portfolios ” Ã‚Â ( Moser, 1998: 5 ) . The plus portfolio direction that helps to get by with socio-economic dazes and emphasiss is the chief point of the plus exposure model attack which is specified by Moser ‘s. This model provides general thoughts about supports attack which is appropriate for the urban context. The model identifies five household assets: labor, human capital, productive capital, family dealingss, and societal capital which can be used to diminish exposure. This comprehensive model includes concealed, intangible assets such as societal capital and family dealingss, every bit good as touchable and more common assets such as labor and productive capital.
It can be mentioned that the model suggests non merely the primary assets but besides the ability to cover with to cut down exposure. In add-on to the five assets that Moser identifies, this survey pays attending to fiscal plus and other mechanisms to get by.
An exploratory/descriptive research in the slums of Dhaka ; Bangladesh was designed to place the get bying schemes of female garment workers. In this research, a fieldwork was conducted during three hebdomads on July-August 2009 in Rampura and Badda slums of Dhaka where the female garment workers live in. Un-structured interviews with female garment workers were carried out. All the selected respondents were working during the informations aggregation period for at least one twelvemonth. Respondent were asked to happen out the nature and results of get bying schemes to cover with urban slum. The informed consent from respondents was taken earlier interview. Tape-recorder and note book was used for roll uping informations. Primary information was collected by questioning 32 female garment workers. Furthermore, to arouse the wider dimensions of get bying schemes their household members were interviewed, where possible. The 32 respondents were selected purposively from two different slums. Among them 16 garment workers from Rampura and 16 garment workers from Badda slum. 32 respondents were selected sing their age, instruction and work of experience.
Local NGOs staffs were besides officially and informally interviewed during the survey. The intent of the interviews with them was non merely to place appropriate respondents but besides to acquire farther information in conformity with the survey context. Here it can be mentioned that the NGOs were familiar among the garment workers because of their support, peculiarly in important period. That is why they were selected as cardinal sources.
For the secondary informations relevant diaries, books and other signifier of publications from libraries of University of Birmingham and Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies ( BIDS ) were used. Furthermore, for the update information regular cyberspace hunt was made.
Some restrictions of the survey are identified. First, as the survey was followed by the qualitative methods the findings may non be generalised. Difference in plus handiness and use, authorities policy, external aid, civilization and tradition played influential function on get bying schemes that can be varied state to state. Even within Bangladesh, the male and female garment workers may hold different get bying schemes.
Second, the sample choice was non representative as it was selected purposively. Therefore, it is required to observe that much of the information is interpretive but non necessary with how others may explicate the state of affairs.
Third, interviews were carried out in crowded countries ; for illustration, in the presence of neighbors. As a consequence, privateness was about impossible and interviews could be overheard by others. Furthermore, interviews with authorities sections and the Bangladesh Garments Manufacturers and Exporters Association ( BGMEA ) were non possible. Many efforts were made to carry on interviews, but such attempts were failed due to limitations and the deficiency of cooperation.
Other deformations besides exited ; like: resonance construct up with the respondents was non in-depth to derive their trust prior to the interview due to clip restraint.
Structure of the thesis
Based on the literature reappraisal, Chapter 2 will supply the definitions and knowledge base of cardinal constructs underlying the treatment of the thesis. The chapter will give most attending to get bying schemes found in other surveies. Chapter 3 will give an overview of HIV/AIDS in Kenya and the socio-economic context in the slums of Nairobi, and sketch the authorities of Kenya ‘s policy on HIV/AIDS. Research findings will be presented in Chapter 4. Chapter 5 will place similarities and differences between the research consequences and findings in other surveies and besides explore the research ‘s parts to knowledge. Chapter 6 will show policy recommendations and concludes the thesis.
Literature on get bying schemes in general is available but get bying schemes of female garment workers in urban slum is barely in being.
Literature were reviewed to supply I ) account of cardinal constructs and cognition of understanding the survey aims, two ) a base for comparing findings and restrictions of old surveies.
From the literature reviewed, Section 2.1, 2.2 and 2.3 present the definitions and cognition of cardinal constructs underlying the treatment of the thesis. Section 2.4 is devoted to a reappraisal of the header schemes found in other surveies. Section 2.5 concludes the chapter.
Household supports attacks
It has become obvious that a pecuniary attack to the definition of poorness can non capture all the facets of want and exposure of persons and families. Meanwhile, the consideration of family supports in both research and policy is increasing with acknowledgment of the demand to pull more attending to insecurity and exposure ( Sekine, 2005 ) . In this respects, Carney ( 1998 ) mentioned,
“ A supports attack to development draws on a conceptual model which may be used as a footing for analysing, understanding and pull offing the complexness of supports, enabling complementarities and tradeoffs between alternate back uping activities to be assessed and turn outing a footing for placing policy aims and intercessions ” Ã‚Â ( cited in Rakodi, 2002: 9 ) .
Furthermore, to understand the construct of support Canary besides added:
A support comprises the capablenesss, assets ( including both stuff and societal resources ) and activities required for a agency of life. A support is considered to be sustainable when it can get by with and retrieve from emphasiss and dazes and maintain or heighten its capablenesss and assets both now and in the hereafter, while non sabotaging the natural resource base ” Ã‚Â ( Carney, 1998: 2 ) .
Though the word “ Ëœlivelihood ‘ can be defined in assorted ways, this definition encompasses the wide characteristics of “ Ëœlivelihood ‘ . Robertson ( 1984 ) stated that households are needfully kin-specific groups which can include non-resident members, while a family is a group of people who pool resources or eat “ Ëœfrom the same pot ‘ .
Households include close household, blood and matrimonial family, and besides unrelated co-residents. Different types of residential signifiers, groupings of people and maps are covered by families. It can be organised in a different manner in different societies.
Rakodi ( 2002 ) mentioned a common family definition which is “ a individual or co-resident group of people who contribute to and/or profit a joint economic system in either hard currency or domestic labor ” Ã‚Â ( p.7 ) .
The consolidation of family characteristics is frequently an extended and dynamic procedure. The term family can be applied “ … merely to co-residence, a task-oriented unit or the site of shared activities ” Ã‚Â ( Beall et al. , 1999: 2 ) .
It is of import to place what the hapless have, instead than what they do non hold, that recognises or measures their abilities to get by with dazes or lessening exposure. The cardinal perceptual experience of this construct is that assets can move as a precaution in the face of hardship. The hapless may non hold hard currency or nest eggs, while they may hold other stuff or non-material assets “ ” labor, wellness, cognition, coherence in the family, and ties with administrations and local authoritiess ( Rakodi, 2002 ) . Accurate and realistic apprehension of family assets is required to cognize supports approaches that the hapless possess.
Moser ( 1998 ) identified five classs of assets which are summarized briefly as follows. To the hapless “ Ëœlabour ‘ is seen as the most of import plus. Households by and large increase the figure of workers and direct them into the labour market to cut down or avoid exposure in a debilitative economic status. Particularly in that state of affairs, adult females and kids are frequently bound to fall in in the labor market. They work as junior-grade bargainers, street Sellerss or domestic retainers.
“ ËœHuman capital ‘ to a great extent influences income degrees and capacity to work which includes instruction, accomplishments and good wellness position.
In urban context lodging is a critical “ Ëœproductive capital ‘ . It can be used for home-based endeavor every bit good as shelter at the same clip, peculiarly, while lodging insecurity is connected with huge exposure.
Family dealingss ‘ is an intangible plus. It plays an of import function in enabling families to set with alterations in the external state of affairs and in lending income and sharing ingestion.
“ ËœSocial capital ‘ is deducing from trust and societal ties. This capital originates in rural-urban webs on the footing of family and topographic point of beginning, and is more late based on local webs with NGOs and CBOs. Social capital involves mutual societal relationships and societal webs between families and within communities.
There are many beginnings have tried to specify get bying schemes.
A general definition of get bying schemes given by Devereux ( 2001 ) is “ responses to adverse events or dazes ” Ã‚Â ( p.512 ) . While Snel and Staring ( 2001 ) defined get bying schemes in a broader position as:
all the strategically selected Acts of the Apostless that persons and families in a hapless socioeconomic place usage to curtail their disbursal or gain some excess income to enable them to pay for the basic necessities ( nutrient, vesture, shelter ) and non fall excessively far below their society ‘s degree of public assistance ” Ã‚Â ( p.11 ) .
Harmonizing to this definition get bying schemes involves “ a witting appraisal of alternate programs of action ” Ã‚Â ( ibid: 11 ) .
The definition is based on the premise that within the limited options available to them, the hapless are plus directors with freedom of pick in relation to their actions.
This does non needfully intend that their pick of schemes is ever successful in accomplishing their intended aims. In fact, the header schemes frequently have unintended negative effects.
In response to the treatment of get bying schemes, some analysts view the thought of get bying with incredulity. Rugalema ( 2000, cited in Barnett and Whiteside, 2002 ) argues that get bying is frequently a myth for some grounds:
- Many affected family interruption up as a consequence of their header schemes.
- It is persons, non families, who manage to last.
- Households ‘ actions are non “ Ëœstrategies ‘ , which needfully involve the consideration of long-run costs and benefits, but are short-run attempts to last.